The tax scandal that reignited in Greece over the holidays had all the makings of a grade-B drama. A former finance minister, George Papaconstantinou, was accused of scrubbing his relatives’ names
from a CD containing the identities of thousands of possible Greek tax
dodgers. Within hours, his chief political rival tossed him from their
party.
Mr. Papaconstantinou, in turn, hinted darkly that he was the victim of a plot masking malfeasance at higher levels.
While the firestorm may have made for political theater of a sort, it
has diverted attention from a much bigger problem: Greece, its foreign
lenders say, has fallen woefully short of its tax collection targets and
is still not moving hard enough to tackle widespread tax evasion — long
tolerated, particularly among the country’s richest citizens.
Greek officials agreed to the targets as part of an international
lending pact last year, but there is no penalty for missing them. In
recent weeks, however, two reports by Greece’s foreign lenders have
found that Athens pulled in less than half of the additional tax income
that it expected last year and performed fewer than half of the expected
audits.
One report said that Athens had brought in a little less than $1.3
billion in additional taxes of the $2.6 billion it had hoped to collect
in 2012. Only 88 major taxpayers, including corporations, were the
subject of full-scope audits, well below a target of 300, the report
said, while just 467 audits of high-wealth individuals were completed,
compared with a goal of 1,300.
The fragile, three-party coalition government of Prime Minister Antonis Samaras continues to vow it will crack down on corruption and tax evasion, but a blunt assessment
last month by a task force of Greece’s foreign lenders said, “These
changes have not yet been reflected in results in terms of improved tax
inspection and collection.” Analysts say the failure to pursue tax
evaders aggressively is deepening social tensions. “It’s a weak
government with very difficult work to do, and this is very, very bad
for the morale of the people,” said Nikos Xydakis, a political columnist
for Kathimerini, a daily newspaper. “This year will be hell for the
middle-class people. And the rich people are untouchable. This is very
bad.”
In a separate report, the European Union and the International Monetary
Fund said they were concerned that the “authorities are falling idle and
that the drive to fight tax evasion by the very wealthy and the free
professions is at risk of weakening.”
The report added that total unpaid taxes amounted to nearly $70 billion,
about 25 percent of Greece’s gross domestic product. But only about 15
percent to 20 percent of the amount is actually collectible, either
because the statute of limitations has run out or the scofflaws do not
have the money.
It pressed Greece to focus on the cases most likely to produce real
revenues, especially in vocations where tax evasion has become
pernicious. “Doctors and lawyers are a good place to start,” it said.
Critics, especially the leftist party Syriza, which leads in opinion
polls, say the government has not done enough to stop corruption because
its members are tied to the country’s business elite and do not want to
jeopardize their political careers.
“The problem is not simply tax evasion among the rich,” said Zoe
Konstantopoulou, a member of Parliament from Syriza who serves on a
panel investigating the so-called Lagarde list, a compilation of more
than 2,000 Greeks with accounts in a Swiss branch of HSBC that had been
sent to Mr. Papaconstantinou in 2010 by Christine Lagarde, then the
finance minister of France. “The problem is tax evasion among the rich
with the complicity and the aiding and abetting of those who govern.”
While Greece received a badly needed $45 billion in aid
last month to help it avoid defaulting on its debts, critics say that
unless Athens can more forcefully tap the billions it is owed in taxes,
it will never pay off its debts, even if its moribund economy eventually
starts to recover.
A dysfunctional bureaucracy weakened by budget cuts, two destabilizing
rounds of elections last spring and an economy decimated by austerity
have hampered tax collections further. But a thicket of regulations and a
culture of resistance also fuel a shadow economy that includes an
estimated 25 percent of economic activity.
One study
by researchers from the University of Chicago and Virginia Tech
estimated that tax evasion costs Greece about $37 billion a year,
equivalent to nearly 15 percent of economic output. The study found that
doctors, engineers, accountants and lawyers were “the primary
tax-evading occupations.”
The reports were released shortly before Greece’s financial crimes squad
accused Mr. Papaconstantinou late last month of removing the names of
three of his relatives from the Lagarde list.
Those accounts belonged to a cousin of Mr. Papaconstantinou’s, her
husband and the spouse of another cousin. On Wednesday, the cousin,
Eleni Papaconstantinou-Sikiaridis, resigned from her post at the Greek
privatization agency, saying in a letter that the money held in the HSBC
Geneva account was “the legal wealth of myself and my husband.”
Mr. Papaconstantinou has vehemently denied the accusations and has said
that he worked to clamp down on tax evasion as finance minister from
2009 until 2011. “I handed to the tax authorities all the files which I
received from the French authorities,” he said in an e-mail. “I am not
in a position to confirm that the original information received in 2010
contained the three files concerned,” he added, about his relatives.
“If the original is identical to the new one sent by the French
authorities two weeks ago, this means that someone removed the names
after I handed the files over,” he said.
Mr. Papaconstantinou told Parliament in November that he had asked the
head of the financial crimes unit at the time to investigate only the
names of the 20 biggest account holders on the list. In the e-mail
interview, he said that an aide in his office pulled together the names,
which he said accounted for about half of the money in the accounts.
He said he had been uneasy releasing the full 2,000 names to financial
investigators for fear that they would be leaked. “Surely it is easier
to safeguard an investigation of 20 people than one of 2,000 people,” he
said.
Mr. Papaconstantinou testified that he then passed the entire file in
June 2011 to the head of Greece’s financial crimes unit, Ioannis Diotis,
who later gave it to Mr. Papaconstantinou’s successor, Evangelos
Venizelos, the current leader of the Socialists and a rival of Mr.
Papaconstantinou’s.
Mr. Diotis said that Mr. Venizelos did not give him orders to
investigate the names on the list. Mr. Venizelos said Mr. Diotis had
told him the material was unusable as it had been illegally acquired.
Mr. Venizelos added that he passed the memory stick to the prime
minister, Mr. Samaras, last October after Finance Minister Yannis
Stournaras said the authorities could not find the original list.
On Thursday, Syriza called for an investigation into Mr.
Papaconstantinou and Mr. Venizelos, and it labeled the current coalition
government “the architects of corruption, and of the cover-up of
corruption.”
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